West Saint Paul Antiques

This page contains the story of a battle that was fought in 1969. Anyone who can contribute pictures or stories of this battle can email them to me at floyd@1streconbn.com. They would be deeply appreciated and will be added to this page.

This battle took place in the A Shau Valley along South Vietnam's northern border with Laos. Here, On 14 May, 1969 ARVN units and American troops of the 101st Airborne Division assaulted Hill 937--Ap Bia Mountain, or "Hamburger Hill"--about one mile from the Laos frontier. The initial attacks were repulsed by entrenched NVA forces and the action became a battle of attrition between opposing infantry forces. Finally, after nine assaults over six days of heavy fighting in which severe losses were incurred US and ARVN forces took the hill--only to abandon the virtually worthless objective several days later. The battle had occurred only because NVA forces had elected to stand and fight where the terrain was to their advantage; once the US committed large forces, the NVA forces withdrew across the Laos border.

The Battle of Hamburger Hill was a battle of the Vietnam War which was fought between the United States and South Vietnam against North Vietnamese forces from May 10–20, 1969. Although the heavily fortified Hill 937 was of little strategic value, U.S. command ordered its capture by direct assault.

The battle was primarily an infantry affair, with the U.S. Airborne troops moving up the highly sloped hill against well entrenched troops. Attacks were repeatedly repelled by weather, friendly fire, accidents, and especially the highly effective Vietnam People's Army (PAVN) defenses. Nevertheless the Airborne troops took the hill through direct assault, causing extensive casualties to the PAVN forces, and taking such in their own units. The debacle caused an outrage both in the American military and public.

The battle took place on Dong Ap Bia (Ap Bia Mountain, Vietnamese: Đồi A Bia) in the rugged, jungle-shrouded mountains of South Vietnam, 1.2 miles from the Laotian border. Rising from the floor of the western A Shau Valley, Ap Bia Mountain is a looming, solitary massif, unconnected to the ridges of the surrounding Annamite range. It dominates the northern valley, towering some 937 meters above sea level. Snaking down from its highest peak are a series of ridges and fingers, one of the largest extending southeast to a height of 900 meters, another reaching south to a 916-meter peak. The entire mountain is a rugged, uninviting wilderness blanketed in double- and triple-canopy jungle, dense thickets of bamboo, and waist-high elephant grass that in some cases was taller than an M113 Armored Personnel Carrier. Local Montagnard tribesmen called Ap Bia "the mountain of the crouching beast." Official histories of the engagement refer to it as Hill 937, but the American soldiers who fought there dubbed it "Hamburger Hill", suggesting that those who fought on the hill were "chewed up like a hamburger" and in joking reference to the Battle of Pork Chop Hill during the Korean War.

The battle on Hamburger Hill occurred in May 1969, during Operation Apache Snow, the second part of a three-phased campaign intended to destroy People's Army of Vietnam (PAVN) Base Areas in the remote A Shau Valley. This campaign was a series of operations intended to neutralize the A Shau, which had been an infiltration route into South Vietnam prior to 1966, when the North Vietnamese seized the Special Forces camp in the valley during the Battle of A Shau and established a permanent presence. Subsequent U.S. efforts to clear the valley had been consistently unsuccessful. Lieutenant General Richard G. Stilwell, commander of XXIV Corps, amassed the equivalent of two divisions supported by substantial artillery and air support to accomplish the task. The North Vietnamese had moved their 6th, 9th, and 29th Regiments into the area to recover from losses sustained during a previous U.S. Marine operation (Operation Dewey Canyon) in February.

Assigned to Apache Snow were three airmobile infantry battalions of the 101st Airborne Division, commanded by
Major General Melvin Zais. These units of the division's 3rd Brigade (commanded by Colonel Joseph Conmy) were the 3rd Battalion, 187th Infantry (Lt. Col. Weldon Honeycutt); 2nd Battalion, 501st Infantry (Lt. Col. Robert German); and the 1st Battalion, 506th Infantry (Lt. Col. John Bowers). Two battalions of the Army of the Republic of Vietnam's (ARVN) 1st Division (the 2/1st and 4/1st) had been temporarily assigned to the 3rd Brigade in support. Other major units participating in Apache Snow included the 9th Marine Regiment; the 3rd Battalion, 5th Cavalry Regiment and the 3rd ARVN Regiment.

 

Planning

Colonel Conmey characterized the operation as a reconnaissance in force. His plan called for the five battalions to "combat assault" into the valley by helicopter on May 10, 1969, and to search their assigned sectors for PAVN troops and supplies. The overall plan of attack called for the Marines and the 3/5th Cavalry to reconnaissance in force toward the Laotian border while the ARVN units cut the highway through the base of the valley. The 501st and the 506th were to destroy the enemy in their own operating areas and block escape routes into Laos. If a battalion made heavy contact with the North Vietnamese, Conmy would reinforce it by helicopter with one of the other units. In theory, the 101st could reposition its forces quickly enough to keep the PAVN from massing against any one unit, while a U.S. battalion discovering a North Vietnamese unit would fix it in place until a reinforcing battalion could lift in to cut off its retreat and destroy it.

The U.S. and ARVN units participating in Apache Snow knew, based on existing intelligence information and previous experience in the A Shau, that the operation was likely to encounter serious resistance from PAVN. Beyond that, however, they had little intelligence as to the actual strength and dispositions of PAVN units. Masters of camouflage, the North Vietnamese completely concealed their bases from aerial surveillance. When PAVN forces moved, they did so at night along trails under triple-canopy jungle. They effected their command and control mainly by runner and wire, leaving no electronic signature to monitor or trace. U.S. battalion commanders had to generate their own tactical intelligence by combat patrols, capturing equipment, installations, documents, and occasionally prisoners of war to provide the raw data from which to draw their assessment of the North Vietnamese order of battle and dispositions. It was this time-consuming and hit-or-miss task force which characterized the main efforts of Colonel Honeycutt's 3/187th Infantry during the first four days of the operation.

Initially, the operation went routinely for the 101st Airborne Division. Its units experienced only light contact on the first day, but documents captured by 3/187th indicated that the 29th PAVN Regiment, nicknamed the "Pride of Ho Chi Minh" and a veteran of the 1968 Tet Offensive assault on Hue, was somewhere in the valley. Past experience in many of the larger encounters with PAVN indicated the North Vietnamese would resist violently for a short time and then withdraw before the Americans brought overwhelming firepower to bear against them. Prolonged combat, such as at Dak To and Ia Drang, had been relatively rare. Honeycutt anticipated his battalion had sufficient capability to carry out a reconnaissance on Hill 937 without further reinforcement, although he did request that the brigade reserve, his own Bravo Company, be released to his control.

Honeycutt was a protégé of General William C. Westmoreland, the former commander of U.S. forces in Vietnam. He had been assigned command of the 3/187th in January and had by replacement of many of its officers given it a personality to match his own aggressiveness. His stated intention was to locate the VPA force in his area of responsibility and engage it before it could escape into Laos.

Initial sweeps

On May 11, Honeycutt assigned Alpha and Delta Companies to recon the north and northwest fingers of Ap Bia Mountain, while Bravo and Charlie Companies climbed towards the summit by differing routes. Moving out of the helicopter landing zone (LZ) on the north ridge, Bravo Company made heavy contact with the North Vietnamese within a kilometer of the summit late in the day. Honeycutt quickly directed Cobra helicopter gunships, known as Aerial Rocket Artillery (ARA), to support a hasty assault. In the heavy jungle, the Cobras mistook the 3/187th battalion command post on the LZ for a PAVN unit and attacked, killing two and wounding thirty-five, including Honeycutt. This friendly fire incident disrupted battalion command and control and forced 3/187th to withdraw into night defensive positions. The contact, however, confirmed that a substantial North Vietnamese force was present, which Honeycutt estimated as a reinforced platoon or company.

For the next two days, Honeycutt maneuvered his companies toward positions for a coordinated battalion attack on May 13 but was frustrated by both difficult topography and North Vietnamese resistance. One unit, Delta Company, descended into a steep muddy ravine on May 12 in a flanking maneuver, suffered numerous losses, and was unable to extricate its casualties for two days. The company eventually returned to the battalion LZ on May 15 without participating in the assault.

Map reconnaissance and helicopter overflights had not indicated that the initial scheme of maneuver was impractical, but the three contacts indicated that the North Vietnamese strength was greater than originally estimated, had likely received reinforcements from Laos, and were entrenched in well-concealed bunkers. The North Vietnamese absorbed and inflicted heavy losses, foreshadowing the heaviest fighting to come.

Reinforcing the assault on Hill 937

The 1/506th had made no significant contacts in its area of operations, and at midday on May 13, the brigade commander, Colonel Conmy, decided it would move to cut off North Vietnamese reinforcement from Laos and to assist Honeycutt by attacking Hill 937 from the south. Its Bravo company was heli-lifted to Hill 916, but the remainder of the battalion made the movement on foot, from an area 4 kilometers (2.5 mi) from Hill 937, and both Conmy and Honeycutt expected the 1/506th to be ready to provide support no later than the morning of May 15. Although Bravo Company seized Hill 916 on May 15, it was not until May 19 that the battalion as a whole was in position to conduct a final assault, primarily because of nearly impenetrable jungle.

The 3/187 conducted multi-company assaults on May 14 and May 15, incurring heavy casualties, while the 1/506th, led by 1st Lt. Roger Leasure, made probing attacks on the south slopes of the mountain on May 16 and May 17. The difficult terrain and well organized North Vietnamese forces continually disrupted the tempo of U.S. tactical operations on Hills 916, 900, and 937. Steep gradients and dense vegetation provided few natural LZs in the vicinity of the mountain and made helicopter redeployments impractical. The terrain also masked the positions of the 29th PAVN Regiment, making it nearly impossible to suppress anti-aircraft fire, while the jungle covered the movement of North Vietnamese units so completely that it created a nonlinear battlefield. PAVN soldiers, able to maneuver freely around the LZs, shot down or damaged numerous helicopters with small arms fire, rocket-propelled grenades, and crew-served weapons. The North Vietnamese also assaulted nearby logistical support LZs and command posts at least four times, forcing deployment of units for security that might otherwise have been employed in assaults. Attacking companies had to provide for 360-degree security as they maneuvered, since the terrain largely prevented them from mutually supporting one another. PAVN platoon- and company-sized elements repeatedly struck maneuvering U.S. forces from the flanks and rear.

Tactical difficulties

The effectiveness of U.S. manoeuvre forces was limited by narrow trails that funneled attacking companies into squad or platoon points of attack, where they encountered PAVN platoons and companies with prepared fields of fire. With most small arms engagements thus conducted at close range, U.S. fire support was also severely restricted. Units frequently pulled back and called in artillery fire, close air support, and ARA, but the North Vietnamese bunkers were well-sited and constructed with overhead cover to withstand bombardment. During the course of the battle the foliage was eventually stripped away and the bunkers exposed, but they were so numerous and well constructed that many could not be destroyed by indirect fire. Napalm, recoilless rifle fire, and dogged squad and platoon- level actions eventually accounted for the reduction of most fortifications, though at a pace and price thoroughly unanticipated by the American side.

U.S. battle command of small units was essentially decentralized. Though Honeycutt constantly prodded his company commanders to push on, he could do little to coordinate mutual support until the final assaults, when the companies maneuvered in close proximity over the barren mountain top. Fire support for units in contact was also decentralized. Supporting fires, including those controlled by airborne forward air controllers, were often directed at the platoon level. Eventually human error led to five attacks by supporting aircraft on the 3/187th, killing seven and wounding 53. Four of the incidents involved Cobra gunship helicopters, which in one case were more than a kilometer away from their intended target.

Hamburger Hill

On May 16, Associated Press correspondent Jay Sharbutt learned of the ongoing battle on Hill 937, traveled to the area and interviewed Zais, in particular asking why infantry rather than firepower was used as the primary offensive tool on Hill 937. More reporters followed to cover the battle, and the term "Hamburger Hill" became widely used.

The U.S. brigade commander ordered a coordinated two-battalion assault for May 18, with 1/506th attacking from the south and 3/187th attacking from the north, trying to keep the 29th PAVN Regiment from concentrating on either battalion. Fighting to within seventy-five meters of the summit, Delta Company 3/187th nearly carried the hill but experienced severe casualties, including all of its officers. The battle was one of close combat, with the two sides exchanging small arms and grenade fire within twenty meters of one another. From a light observation helicopter, the battalion commander attempted to coordinate the movements of the other companies into a final assault, but an exceptionally intense thunderstorm reduced visibility to zero and ended the fighting. Unable to advance, 3/187 again withdrew down the mountain. The three converging companies of 1/506th struggled to take Hill 900, the southern crest of the mountain, encountering heavy opposition for the first time in the battle.

Because of the heavy casualties already sustained by his units and under pressure from the unwanted attention of the press, Zais seriously considered discontinuing the attack but decided otherwise. Both the corps commander and the MACV commander, General Creighton W. Abrams, publicly supported the decision. Zais decided to commit three fresh battalions to the battle and to have one of them relieve the 3/187th in place. The 3/187th's losses had been severe, with approximately 320 killed and wounded, including more than sixty percent of the 450 experienced troops who had assaulted into the valley. Two of its four company commanders and eight of twelve platoon leaders had become casualties.

The battalion commander of the 2/506th, Lt. Col. Gene Sherron, arrived at Honeycutt's CP on the afternoon of May 18 to coordinate the relief. 3/187th was flying out its latest casualties, and its commander had not yet been informed of the relief. Before any arrangements were made, Zais landed and was confronted by Honeycutt, who argued that his battalion was still combat effective. After a sharp confrontation, Zais relented, although he assigned one of Sherron's companies to Honeycutt as reinforcement for the assault.

Final assault

Two fresh battalions—the 2/501st Infantry and ARVN 2/3d Infantry—were airlifted into LZs northeast and southeast of the base of the mountain on May 19. Both battalions immediately moved onto the mountain to positions from which they would attack the following morning. Meanwhile the 1/506th for the third consecutive day struggled to secure Hill 900.

The 3rd Brigade launched its four-battalion attack at 10:00 on May 20, including two companies of the 3/187th reinforced by Alpha Company 2/506th. The attack was preceded by two hours of close air support and ninety minutes of artillery prep fires. The battalions attacked simultaneously, and by 12:00 elements of the 3/187th reached the crest, beginning a reduction of bunkers that continued through most of the afternoon. Some PAVN units were able to withdraw into Laos, and Hill 937 was secured by 17:00.

ARVN participation

According to recent research, particularly the admission by General Creighton W. Abrams in "The Abrams Tapes", the 2/3 ARVN unit participating in the final assault, positioned on a stretch of the PAVN defense line that was lightly defended, sent a scout party to test the forward enemy lines, earlier than the proposed assault time, to which it was quickly was able to discern the minimal enemy strength. The 2/3 ARVN commanding officer decided to exploit the situation, and attack in advance of the other units. The 2/3 ARVN reached the crest of Hamburger Hill around 10:00, ahead of the 3/187th, but was incredibly ordered to withdraw from the summit, under the pretense that allied artillery was to be directed on to the top of the hill. The opportunity to threaten the PAVN lines facing the 3/187th was lost. Shortly after the 2/3 ARVN completed their withdrawal, the 3/187th was able to break through the PAVN defenses and occupy the summit, giving the illusion that American troops had conquered their objective first.

Casualties

U.S. losses during the ten-day battle reportedly totaled 72 dead and 372 wounded. To take the position, the 101st Airborne Division eventually committed five infantry battalions, about 1,800 men, and ten batteries of artillery. In addition, the U.S. Air Force flew 272 support sorties and expended more than 450 tons of bombs and 69 tons of napalm.

US claimed the 7th and 8th Battalions of the 29th PAVN Regiment suffered 630 dead discovered on and around the battlefield, including many found in makeshift mortuaries within the tunnel complex, and an unknown number of wounded that likely totaled most of the remainder of the two units.

Aftermath

Major General John M. Wright, quietly abandoned the hill on June 5. The debate over "Hamburger Hill" reached the United States Congress, with particularly severe criticism of military leadership by Senators Edward Kennedy, George McGovern, and Stephen M. Young. In its June 27 issue, Life Magazine published the photographs of 241 Americans killed in one week in Vietnam, considered a watershed turning point in the war. While only five of these were casualties on Hamburger Hill, many Americans had the perception that all the dead were victims of the battle.

The controversy of the conduct of the Battle of Hamburger Hill led to a reappraisal of U.S. strategy in South Vietnam. As a direct result, to hold down casualties, General Abrams discontinued a policy of "maximum pressure" against the North Vietnamese to one of "protective reaction" for troops threatened with attack, while President Richard Nixon announced the first troop withdrawals. Although the battle did not have the most U.S. KIAs of any single engagement, nonetheless the battle became a turning point in the war.

In 1987, a movie about the battle was released, called Hamburger Hill.

HAMBURGER
HILL

11 May 1969

Just prior to dawn, the Rakkasans in NDPs [night defensive position] launched a "mad minute," heavy machine-gun and automatic-rifle fire out of the perimeter into the enemy positions. Cobra gunships were on station overhead. At 0750, B Company, with Lieutenant Denholm's 4th Platoon in the lead, moved out. As the platoon made its way up the denuded ridge, the men found bloody trails, weapons, gear, and eight enemy KIAs. Throughout the late morning and early afternoon, the other three companies slugged on, finding fresh bunkers, communications wire, and other NVA gear. At about 1600, Denholm's men hit the enemy head-on. An enemy soldier sprang from a hole and shot Sp4 Aaron Rosenstreich in the chest. Sp4 John McCarrell was blown to bits by an NVA rocket. Rosenstreich died moments later. Denholm was blown down the trail, but, even deaf and stunned, he called for a machine gun. Sp4 Terry Larson rushed forward and was shot through the head. Sp4 Donald Mills rushed forward with an M60 and was shot through the chest. Seconds later, he got up, charged, and emptied his weapon into the sniper. In a bind, the B Company men grenaded the area around them and pulled back, carrying their dead and wounded with them. Honeycutt called in artillery and air strikes.

13 May 1969

At 0656, the forward air controller (FAC), arrived on station and directed ten air strikes against the known enemy fortifications. The Phantom jets used delayed-action ordnance to penetrate the canopy and explode in depth in the bunkers, trenches, and spider holes. The Rakkasans were well aware that the enemy troops ducked into the tunnels and bunkers at the sound of the jets and came out as soon as they left the area.

After the early-morning air strikes, B and C Companies resumed their treacherous climb up the ridge toward the enemy's dug-in positions and suffered a withering attack from a nest of snipers and small arms, RPGs (Rocket Propelled Grenade) and hand grenades. More and more wounded 3/187th soldiers from B and C Companies made their way back down the trails. Other Rakkasans, carrying cans of ammo and grenades, passed them on the way up. In the C Company CP area, two men were killed and five wounded by an NVA attack into their security perimeter. The artillery Forward Observer called for fire and broke up the attack.

D Company was having an equally difficult time about six hundred meters from the battalion command post, wading through a river, climbing up the side of a ravine, and then attacking toward the top of Ap Bia. The NVA hit them with rocket-propelled grenades, badly wounding three men. Across the river, another RPG hit the 3d Platoon, wounding five men, and blowing Lieutenant Mattioli off the ridge and into the river.

"Delta Company, with platoons on both banks of the ravine, returned the fire with every available weapon and called for gunships," wrote Fred Waterhouse. "They also called for a MedEvac helicopter, which arrived on the scene at 1510 hours. As the Rakkasans were hoisting the wounded into the hovering helicopter, an RPG slammed into it. It crashed down on Pfc. George Pickel, killing him instantly. One of its whirling blades killed Sp4 William Springfield and wounded Miguel Moreno. Captain Luther Sanders watched in agony. He now had seven wounded and seven dead. His company would have to carry all of them out by litter. Delta Company started back up the mountain through the river bottom. At places, they climbed sheer cliffs and took one hour to move a hundred yards."

18 May 1969

We would like to take a moment of peaceful reflection and recognize some of America's finest.

The following casualty list is a tribute in recognition of those killed and wounded in action on 11 July 1969 at Hill 996 in the A Shau Valley, Thua Thien Province, I Corps area, Republic of Vietnam.

These men were our brothers-in-arms in the 1st of the 506th.

This listing is in memory of

CPL Elbert J Baker, Jr., SGT Norman H Bloomfield, CPL Mark Bruner, CPL Richard Corriveau
CPL Thomas "Doc" Fenush, CPL Curtiss Fernhoff, PFC Claudie Fowler, SP4 George Fry
PFC Alan Geissinger, SP4 Joe Glassburn, LTC Arnold Hayward, PFC Bradley Klukas
PFC Larry "Doc" Motley, CPL Marvin Richardson, PFC Michael F. Rogers, SSGT Byron Stewart
PFC George Tear, PFC Allan Thibou, 2LT Dan Yarbrough & PFC Russell Yost

and the 26 men wounded in this action.

To my knowledge these men have never been recognized as a group, as having fought together in a single mission to take Hill 996 from the North Vietnamese Army, as having seized control of the surrounding area. To my understanding, this mission was mounted to thwart a summer offensive by the North Vietnamese Army.

Contrary to the stories circulating through America of United States soldiers in Vietnam being unwilling to fight, these men fought and did it against all odds. Nothing was ever mentioned about their sacrifice.

By all signs observed they knew that they could be outnumbered and in the NVA's back yard.

We were told, before assaulting the Hill, that there would be no artillery preparation or support, no gunship or Aerial Rocket Artillery support, and no tactical air support in the initial assault. To the US infantryman in Vietnam, artillery and air support were the only equalizers. The North Vietnamese Army had the manpower, the terrain, and the tactics. We had the fire power and the mobility ... but not on this day.

No-one liked the idea or the expected odds, but the men of the 101st Airborne Division went heads-up against the North Vietnamese Army anyway, in the worst possible terrain you could imagine, in the rain, into an NVA stronghold.

The NVA were tactical experts on their own ground. They were unparallelled at using fire and maneuver tactics in this mountain jungle region of the A Shau valley.

From hitting hot landing zones to being pinned under fire in the open, from blazing sunlight to nighttime cold to the wind and rain of a waning typhoon centered off Hue, these men continued. Following sporadic contact with the enemy, enough to ensure little or no sleep on the night of 10/11 July, on the morning of 11 July these men rucked up and moved out in a hard rain toward the objective. Tired, wet, knowing for some reason (perhaps the weather) there would be no support, they went into the face of a ready, waiting, and well-prepared enemy.

The early loss of our radio communications was unexpected and devastating. Communications are so vital that one radio-telephone operator from Delta 1/506 by himself literally gave up his life in order to restore both the Company and Battalion radio nets. There were many individual acts of heroism which blended into a total team effort to gain control over the situation. Confusion? Yes, but no-one gave up. We took Hill 996 on 11 July 1969.

This is a short, clean, summary, without distracting details, of a very long and complex ordeal. Details would be raw and ugly, and would not do justice to men who did what they had to do and did it with all the grace, style, and determination that comes to mind when America thinks of her heros.

One of my Hill 996 buddies, Gregory Denton, said, and correctly so,

" No one will ever know
what happened here."

The units involved in the assault on Hill 996 were

• Delta Company, 1/506th Infantry
• Bravo Company, 1/506th Infantry
• Charlie Company, 2/506th Infantry
• 2/17 Cavalry's Aero-Rifle hunter-killer team
• Our Scout Dog team

The defense of the bridge was no easy task for Lieutenant Colonel Hammond's battalion. Since its move north from Camp Evans on 11 September, constant combat around Con Thien had worn the battalion down from a "foxhole strength" of 952 to about 462. The 2nd Battalion, 4th Marines had great difficulty in manning all the defensive positions prepared by the departed full-strength BLT-2/3.

The defensive position around the bridge was divided into quadrants by virtue of the road, which ran roughly north and south, and the stream, which ran east and west. Golf Company had the northwest quadrant; Hotel Company was on the same side of the road but across the stream in the southwest quadrant. Fox Company was in the northeast; Echo Company in the southeast. The battalion command group set up beside the stream in Golf Company's area and near the center of the position.

At 0125 on 14 October, 25 artillery rounds, rockets, and 135-150 mortar rounds hit Hotel Company. An ambush squad posted in front of the company reported an enemy force moving toward it, and immediately took the advancing enemy under fire. The Marine squad leader notified his company that he had three casualties and that the enemy seriously outnumbered his squad. The company commander, Captain Arthur P. Brill, Jr., ordered the squad to pull back and, at the same time, called for night defensive fires to block the avenues of approach to his position. The battalion requested flare ships to illuminate the area. Using starlight scopes, sniper teams watched the enemy as they massed only 50 meters in front of the company. The snipers and two tanks attached to the company opened fire, forcing the North Vietnamese to start their assault prematurely. The rest of the Hotel Company held fire until the NVA troops reached a clearing 20 meters from the wire. Of the entire attacking unit, only two NVA soldiers reached the wire and Marines killed both as they tried to breach that obstacle.

The enemy withdrew, leaving bodies behind, but they were far from finished. At 0230, enemy mortars shelled Golf Company. Direct hits by RPGs destroyed a machine gun emplacement and several backup positions on the primary avenue of approach into the company position. The NVA force attacked through this break, overran the company command post, and killed the company commander, Captain Jack W. Phillips, and his forward observer. Three platoon leaders, two of whom had just arrived in Vietnam that morning, also died. The battalion sent its S-3A, Captain James W. McCarter, Jr., to replace Phillips, but enemy fire killed him before he reached Golf Company. During the confused, hand-to-hand combat some of the North Vietnamese fought their way within grenade range of the battalion command post in the center of the position.

In the command post, although wounded by a grenade, Sergeant Paul H. Foster, a member of the fire support coordination center, continued to direct mortar and artillery fire upon the enemy. Another grenade landed among a group of six Marines. Sergeant Foster threw his flak jacket over the grenade and jumped on top of the jacket. The grenade blast mortally wounded him, but this action saved his fellow Marines. Before the melee ended, the North Vietnamese killed or wounded the entire forward air control team. The enemy also killed the battalion medical chief, and wounded the fire support coordinator, headquarters commandant, and battalion sergeant major.

Lieutenant Colonel Hammond moved what was left of his command group to a better location within Hotel Company's position. He ordered Fox Company to move to Golf Company's right flank and counterattack to push the NVA forces out of the perimeter. Illumination and automatic weapons fire from "Puff," the AC-47 requested at the beginning of the fight and which arrived about 0330, aided the counterattack. By 0430, the enemy began retreating out of the position, pursued by Echo Company.

The next morning the 2nd Battalion reconsolidated and evacuated casualties. There were twenty-one dead (18 from 2/4 Marines) and two dozen or more wounded. The NVA lost at least 24 killed. That afternoon, Lieutenant General Cushman and Major General Hochmuth visited the bridge site. They granted a request from Lieutenant Colonel Hammond that the new bridge be named "Bastard's Bridge" to honor the 18 Marines of the 2nd Battalion who gave their lives in its defense. At 1400, Hammond's battalion turned over the bridge to Lieutenant Colonel Needham's 3rd Battalion, 3rd Marines and then moved to Dong Ha where it assumed the mission of regimental reserve after 42 days of close combat.

The men killed in action at Bastard's Bridge were

• H Btry, 3rd Bn, 12th Marines
  • 1stLt William F. Mullins, Short Hills, NJ
  • Sgt Paul H. Foster, San Francisco, CA (Medal of Honor)
  • Pfc Robert J. Araujo, New York, NY
  
  
• G Co, 2nd Bn, 4th Marines
  • Capt Jack W. Phillips, Mission, KS (Silver Star)
  • 1stLt Charles Yaghoobian, Pawtucket, RI
  • 2ndLt Eric C. Egge, Hopkins, MN
  • LCpl John P. Avery, Elizabethton, TN
  • LCpl Duane J. Foss, Hastings, MN
  • LCpl Frank Foster, Meridian, MS
  • LCpl Phillip S. France, Baltimore, MD (Silver Star)
  • LCpl Donald A. Gehling, Grand Meadow, MN
  • LCpl Morris J. Sensat, Egan, LA
  • Pfc Robert D. Buchanan, Bristol, VA
  • Pfc Gary C. Griswold, Bethel, CT
  • Pfc David A. Hamilton, Springfield, OH (Silver Star)
  • Pfc William I. White, North Vandergrift, PA
  • Pfc Stephen R. Worley, West Monroe, LA
  
  
• H&S Co, 2nd Bn, 4th Marines
  • Capt James W. McCarter, New Orleans, LA (Silver Star)
  • HM2 Robert E. Bardach, Arlington Heights, IL
  • HN John I. Higgins, Chula Vista, CA
  • HN Doyle G. King, Vinemont, AL (Bronze Star "V")

The fight on 07 Sep 1967 took place in and around a churchyard and cost the lives of no less than 20 Americans:

• C Btry, 1st Bn, 13th Marines
  • 2ndLt Charles E. Ryberg, Jackson, MN (Forward Observer with India 3/26)
  
  
• H&S Co, 3rd Bn, 26th Marines
  • LCpl Dennis H. Marshall, Lisbon, NH
  • Sgt Roy D. O'Neal, Gahanna, OH
  • HM2 Frank E. Robinson, Houston, TX
  
  
• I Co, 3rd Bn, 26th Marines
  • LCpl James M. Daniels, Wichita, KS
  • LCpl Eddie D. Hamm, Nashville, TN
  • Sgt Bruce H. Krage, Minnesota City, MN
  • LCpl Gary W. Lindsay, Grand Forks, ND
  • LCpl Stephan J. Nelson, Princeton, MN
  • LCpl Robert R. Rogers, Gillette, WY
  
  
• K Co, 3rd Bn, 26th Marines
  • Sgt Larry V. Flora, Hilliard, OH
  • LCpl Donald L. Graves, Rochester, NY
  • Cpl James E. Lewis, Tiverton, RI
  • Pfc Benito Morales, New Braunfels, TX
  • LCpl Samuel L. Parker, Columbus, OH
  • Pfc James H. Stuart, Turner, OR
  • Cpl Robert M. Warren, Pen Argyl, PA
  
  
• M Co, 3rd Bn, 26th Marines
  • 1stLt John P. Manzi, Millbrook, NY

By Kimberly Anne Davis, Age 13